Tag Archives: Quebec protests

Student Protests: Part 3

Finally, I’d like to address another facet of the reaction to (against) the Québec student protests:  Childism.

It is a remarkable fact of life in modern North America that there exists in nearly every part of society a profound contempt for, and both fear and hatred of, children.  This is a provocative statement, but I believe that the remarkable nature of prejudice against children  in North America has a lot to do with the fact that so few people find it remarkable at all, in the sense that nobody remarks on it.  In fact, I think most people would reject the idea, and feel genuinely shocked at the suggestion.   But let’s look at the question objectively, if we can.  This is difficult, since (as I posted elsewhere), one of the factors that interferes cognitively with objectivity most powerfully is the mention of children.    But we’ll try.

One of the indicators that tell me that we deal with a prejudice is when someone uses the name of an identifiable group as a common pejorative.  In many of the comments in English media concerning the student protests in Québec, the term ‘childish’ comes up.  Imagine, for an instant, replacing the negative description of a protest for the rights of the disenfranchised with another group’s name.  Imagine if the protests were being compared to, say, women.  “Those protesters are just being womanly.”   Or an ethnic group.  “Don’t those protesters see how African-American they’re being?”  Or a religion.  “Why can’t they just stop being such Muslims about all this?”  We’re shocked by those hypothetical statements (which only a generation ago wouldn’t have been hypothetical at all), but we take the ‘childish’ moniker in stride.  After all, there are no children who object publicly to the term, so we can safely ignore them.

The assumption behind such name-calling is that children are selfish, Hobbes-ian creatures of pure ego, irrational and impulsive, incapable of reasoning or debate, or even of having real reasons for doing what they do.  They are mindless.  They act merely randomly out of intense self-interest, sucking resources from society and giving nothing in return.  Their value, if they have any, is entirely passive, not active.  They provide us with joy because we look at them and think they’re cute; they’re there for our aesthetic appreciation, like possessions or pets.  Such a creature ought surely to be sequestered from society, have their rights limited or annulled, and in the best Victorian manner, speak only when spoken to, for the good of the social order.

Does this sound like your child?  Of course not.  Yours is the exception.  Thanks to the cognitive biases known as the  Self-Serving Bias , the Introspection Illusion, and the Attribution Bias, among others, we are quite willing to believe that our own (or our close peers’) motivations for particular beliefs or actions are rational, while those of our neighbours are emotional or irrational.  This is true even when the action or belief is identical.  A recent study found that people’s own belief in God, for example, was explained in purely logical, rational terms, while others’ belief in the same God was attributed to irrational motivations like upbringing, tradition, etc.  In my own classroom, I do a twice-annual survey that asks students in their senior year of high school about their own motivations, as well as those of their peers.  The numbers are too small to be scientific, but they pretty much exactly follow the  trends mentioned in Michael Schermer’s article, in the link above.  My students consistently claim (on anonymous surveys) that their peers are more biased than they are — and the fact that they are told that they are taking a survey on universal cognitive biases does not seem to influence their choices, or make them think about the possibility of their own prejudices at all!

Think for a moment about driving on the highway.  Three situations present themselves:

A)  You’re driving a little below the speed limit, enjoying your day, and someone in a faster car hugs your butt for a click or two, then zips past you at higher speed.  This person is a jerk, you reason;what’s he trying to prove?  I’m already going 90; is his manhood threatened or something?  Why is everything such an emergency all the time for some people?

B)  You’re driving a little above the speed limit, since you have to get somewhere in a hurry;  and  you come up behind someone going slower – maybe even a little under the limit.  Come on, you think; let’s go!  Can’t you at least go 100?  Why does everyone have to be such sightseers?

C)  You’re driving  the speed limit, and there’s a car directly beside you, in the next lane, pacing you the whole time.   Geez,  you think, what is this creep’s problem?  What happened to personal space?  Does he have to take the speed limit so literally?

The interesting thing about these scenarios  is that in every case, the other person is assumed to be irrational, whereas you have good reasons for being a little fast or a little slow on the highway.  Those reasons are not typically attributed to other drivers; they do what they do because they are irrational — whereas you do the exact same thing for justifiable reasons.  The other interesting thing is that there is no winning situation for the other driver:  he has only three options:  he can go faster than you, slower than you, or the same speed as you.  In every one of those cases, he’s a jerk — not so easy, being someone other than you!!   🙂

We all do this.  If you’re blushing right now, recognising your own behaviour, you’re just like the rest of us.  The shocking part isn’t so much that we do this, but that we’re all so blind to it until it’s pointed out to us.  That’s how prejudices work.  Part of the self-serving bias tells us that, since we’re essentially good people, the things we do are essentially good, too.  It is extremely difficult, without psychological damage, to perceive of ourselves as people who are not fundamentally good.  This makes our prejudices hard to catch, hard to own up to, and hard to change.  Ever have the kind of habit that people have to point out to you, or else you don’t even know you’re doing it?  Chewing your nails, for example?  Much of our own behaviour, even if it runs directly contrary to our conscious wishes and values, remains invisible to us.  And so it is with attitudes.

If you were to ask someone, “If you were likely to take to the streets and protest against some government policy that directly affected you, what might be some of the reasons for doing so?”, they would likely be able to come up with several possibilities without much effort, all very noble and reasonable.  But when presented with masses of students protesting something that they have not taken the time to understand, they are willing to assume that it is being done for irrational, selfish reasons, or even for reasons that are ‘essential’ to the group in question.  “That’s just what they do,” they’ll tell you, referring to protesting students.  “It’s in their nature.  They hardly even understand the issues; they just like to protest.  They’re just naturally contrary, I guess…maybe it’s hormones.  It’s childish, really.”

These same arguments were used, one need hardly remind anyone, against Abolitionists and Suffragettes, in times  past.

BONUS FUN THOUGHT EXPERIMENT #1:  Next time you are engaged in a disagreement with an adult woman, suggest to her that her inability to understand that your stance is the correct one is the result of hormones, perhaps because of her period.  Then ask her why she’s so irrationally upset all of a sudden.

Economic ‘reality’ is frequently cited as a reason not to listen to the ideas or concerns of the under-classes; and it bears thinking about how much our economic ‘realities’ are predicated on the exploitation of under-classes, if every time they insist on fair or equal treatment it is seen as such a threat to our own material comfort.  This stares us in the face every day, but we can’t seem to see ourselves in that light.  The United States grew rich on the backs of African slaves, and their descendants were (and still are) discriminated against, from Jim Crow to the modern prison system.  But the majority of people still see this as somehow part of the “natural order” or the “economic reality”, rather than the result of history and of choices made by those in power, from slaveowners to current governments.

BONUS FUN THOUGHT EXPERIMENT #2:  Ask someone if free tuition nationwide would cripple the economy, or if honouring Native land claims would (substitute any enfranchisement of any minority group, really).  If they say ‘yes’, then point out to them that we’ve just discovered that therefore, the economy not only tolerates, but actually relies on the disenfranchisement of minorities.  Watch them squirm.

The comparison of children’s rights to slavery is not hyperbole, nor a random choice on my part.  Universal human rights are either a universal concept, or else just another way to exploit people; that’s clear:  if only certain people get rights, it’s not ‘rights’, but ‘privilege’, and a profound and ugly hypocrisy, using noble language for selfish purposes.  Interestingly, on the subject of rights, the United Nations has a useful document detailing the universal rights of children everywhere:  it is telling that alone on the planet, only Somalia (which has not had an effective government since the 1980s) and the United States have refused to sign it.  Before we in Canada get too smug, though, it bears mentioning that we have been cited by the U.N. for our lack of enforcement of the document that we are signatories to, true to Canadian form, it seems.

The use of the word ‘childish’ as a pejorative really gets to the root of how we see children in Canada and much of the world.  Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, in her posthumous work, Childism: Confronting Prejudice Against Children, coins a term and  exposes something that most people in our society would never admit exists, let alone admit to participation in it.  A scholar of Prejudice Studies, Young-Bruehl explains that all prejudices share certain traits in common.  At their core, they represent a kind of psychological defence mechanism similar to projection, and known in some academic circles as the process of ‘othering’.  Prejudice arises against a “target group…one whose members share characteristics and conditions that those prejudiced against them seize on and distort for their own purposes” (p. 19).   In the case of children, these characteristics include dependency, incapacity, irrationality, and selfishness.  Rather than dealing with those traits in our own lives, they are projected onto children, and our attitudes towards them are modified in order to strengthen that notion of them being ‘different’ from us.  This can take many forms, from simple condescension to overprotection to outright abuse.  In fact, Young-Bruehl makes the point that childism might be at the root of many other forms of prejudice.  I am inclined to agree, seeing how often the tactic of infantilisation is used against minority opinions.  Women were kept in line in previous generations through a kind of semi-benign imposed childishness:  they were kept from true agency in their own society under the self-fulfilling prophecy that they were incapable of mature, rational participation.  The same ‘childish’ argument was used historically against Africans:  both individually and as a class.  Africa as a whole was seen as a kind of kid brother to Europe, needing colonial control to keep it out of trouble.  And individual Africans were seen as impulsive, irrational, and potentially dangerous on some sort of OEdipal level.

The comments I have read on news websites advocating for the imposition of draconian force against the ‘spoiled brat’ students appal me, but I am reminded that in popular culture, the only class of person that it is still somewhat permissible to talk about beating in order to force compliance in them  is children.  “Spare the rod and spoil the child”, the saying goes, and I would urge those of you who assume that this is true to substitute another class of human being in that proverb:  “Spare the rod and spoil the woman”, for example.  Or what about disabled adults, based on their supposed developmental similarity to children?  Obviously ugly.  But with children, if we’re not actively spanking our own, we tacitly mostly agree with the right of parents to strike theirs, in the privacy of their own home.   72% of Canadians believe that spanking should remain a legal option for Canadian parents. This includes 57% of parents who say they never spank their children.   More than 75% of Canadian adults report having been spanked as children.  The right to strike children is enshrined in law.  Any objective view of our attitudes and preoccupations with controlling our own children would have to conclude that it borders on the obsessive.  Robert Epstein reports that the restrictions on adolescent behaviour in the U.S. match or exceed even those of convicted felons and members of the Marine Corps!   Just saying that we’re doing it “for their own good” doesn’t excuse it, either, especially if the evidence does not support that statement.   With the confinement and disempowerment of children at an all-time high, all in the name of their own good, it’s hardly a wonder that physical and mental health is at serious risk among the youth population.  This is clear evidence to me that we are not only discriminating against our children, but that our discrimination is of a nature that does fundamental and real harm to them.  The fact that we claim we’re doing it for good reasons does not pass the sniff test, sadly, any more than did Apartheid or Jim Crow.

The people participating in these protests are not children.  They are not infants, and they are not any more irrational than you or I.  Their reasons for protesting are specific to their own situation, obviously, but that does not mean that they are wrong.   People who make this ‘argument’ (I can hardly call it that) are simply making an ad-hominem attack. They are unable to listen to the reasons why the students are doing what they are doing, or to make the effort to understand. Instead, they attack something personal and unchangeable about them: their age. They make the assumption that because they are ‘different’ , i.e., younger, they possess characteristics that make them impossible to be right, or taken seriously.  And in doing so, they reveal the truth about how we see children in general in our society.


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Student Protests: Part 2

I’d like to examine some of the assumptions that are made when one looks at the student protests in Québec through an inappropriate cultural lens.  I’ll try to take them one at a time.

1.  Student “Selfishness”

A common meme in English media and culture is that the students are simply being selfish, and unwilling to pay their ‘fair share’ of public education.  In English Canada, as I mentioned in my last post, the understanding of education past secondary school has become a rather corporate experience, paid for by individual consumers at great (and increasing) personal cost.  It is largely seen as a means to an economic end, and thousands of students in Ontario and elsewhere end up in debt to the University system out of a feeling of necessity, thinking that a degree is a laisse-passer to get a job.  The education is not usually an end in itself, and the crippling debt that one incurs in this exercise in credentialism is merely seen as the price one pays for the degree itself.  An extremely capitalist attitude, in other words, and one fraught with misconception, as James Côté and others have pointed out.

Under such a cultural understanding of education, the education of an individual student is just that:  an opportunity for the personal economic advancement of a single person.  As such, it is thought, it should be paid for by that individual, and not out of the common purse.  Many commentators have forwarded the opinion that “I paid through the nose for my education; why should the students in Québec get a free ride at my expense?”  This completely ignores the utterly different notion of the value of education in Québec.  In that province, education for the masses, and full participation in industrialised society and economies, was not always a given.  They were fought for.  Taxes in Québec (personal taxes, that is; corporate taxes in the province are astonishingly low) are among the highest in all of North America as a result of the decision that education (and childcare, e.g.) benefit society as a whole, and not just individuals.  Like health care, it is believed that everyone should be able to access it, regardless of income, and to be denied it for any reason is a violation of basic rights.  We (mostly) subscribe to the argument when it comes to health care in English Canada, but for some reason not in regards to education past high school.  The fallacious and extremely conservative claim that education is ‘for’ financial advancement certainly adds to this blind spot; under that model, after all, competition should be the dominant model, not cooperation.  More on that some other time.

So let’s look at the claim that students are being ‘selfish’.

Actually, by any reasonable definition of the term, students are not being selfish. The current student population will not be seriously affected by the hikes. The students who will be affected are currently not yet in high school. Ergo, the students are taking a principled stand for the future of people who are not them. They’re doing this for their future society, not for themselves. In fact, they took a risk with their own academic year, and the money they spent on it.   Hmmmm…..sounds like the OPPOSITE of selfish to me!   In fact, though the Charest government offered them the opportunity to be selfish, they did not take it.  The government offered to delay the implementation of the tuition hikes beyond the period when the current students would be at all affected. (They also simultaneously upped the fee hikes to something like 85% for that future generation of students.)  This offer was rejected on principle.

So, despite repeated demonstrations and statements by students that their protests are notselfishly motivated, that remains the dominant meme in the English media.  As to the claim, resulting from this fundamental misunderstanding of the principles involved, that “These students pay less than I did for university; therefore they have no right to speak,” leaving aside for the moment my last point, which was that their cultural and historical context is utterly different from other Canadians’, AND leaving aside the fundamental error of fact that such a statement comes from, let me address the logic of that ‘argument’.

A major flaw is the fact that it represents a race to the bottom.  If your own circumstances are bad, but you can find someone somewhere whose situation is worse, it is not a strong argument to say either a) that your circumstances are therefore comparatively fine, and you have no right to try to better those circumstances, or b) that everybody’s circumstances should be as bad as that other person’s.  Sour grapes, however, are a powerful tool of division.

Let’s say that Person A pays $5 for an apple. Person B goes elsewhere and pays $10 for the same fruit. Person B finds out about person A’s good luck, and instead of thinking, “Man, I got scammed…I’ll take it up with that unethical apple seller”, he thinks, “That stupid person A!! I’ll make his life miserable. How dare he get a better deal than me?” And then he goes to person A’s apple seller, and forces him to raise his prices to $10 as well. Result: everybody loses, except the apple merchants. How can we do this to each other? Is the Canadian ideal to just drag everybody down to the lowest, worst  level possible ?

The illogic of that position should be obvious, and the only question remains, “Why would anyone think like that?”  The question cui bono? (“who benefits?”) is a useful one.  While we bicker amongst ourselves about $5, the CEOs of Apples, Inc. make $5M bonuses. Divide and conquer.  This, by the way, is a staple of colonial education; if the colonised are fighting each other, they can hardly spare the attention it would take to fight their real oppressors.  As Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, a Kenyan Nobel-nominated author and political writer, says in Decolonising the Mind, 

[The colonisation of Kenya]  was effected through the sword and the bullet. But the night of the sword and the bullet was followed by the morning of the chalk and the blackboard. The physical violence of the battlefield was followed by the psychological violence of the classroom.  

[…] Thus one of the most humiliating experiences was to be caught speaking Gikuyu in the vicinity of the school. The culprit was given corporal punishment – three to five strokes of the cane on bare buttocks – or was made to carry a metal plate around the neck with inscriptions such as I AM STUPID or I AM A DONKEY. Sometimes the culprits were fined money that could hardly afford. And how did the teachers catch the culprits? A button was initially given to one pupil who was supposed to hand it over to whoever was caught speaking his mother tongue. Whoever had the button at the end of the day would sing who had given it to him and the ensuing process would bring out all the culprits of the day. Thus children were turned into witch-hunters and in the process were taught the lucrative value of being a traitor to one’s immediate community.

 […]The attitude to English was the exact opposite: any achievement in spoken or written English was highly rewarded. [In the colonial education system, which advanced by qualifying exams,] nobody could pass the exam who failed the English language paper no matter how brilliantly he had done in the other subjects. [. . .] English was the official vehicle and the magic formula to colonial elitism.

Who benefits from this division?  Those who divide, obviously.  Those who wish to undo and negate the advancements made during the Quiet Revolution.  Luckily, just because I already got scammed and paid for my $10 apple, that doesn’t mean my kids have to suffer — by the time they get to the apple cart, it’ll be $30 an apple!  I see it (as the students in Québec see it) as my duty not to let that happen, even if I am not myself going to benefit proximally from low tuition costs.

While we’re on the subject, I might mention the vast social benefits that come from a more educated population.  Contrary to the capitalist, consumer-model, where the only beneficiaries of education are the students themselves, on an economic level, everyone benefits from high levels of good education.

Here are just a few of the big points from a study on the fiscal investment returns of education:

•Parents’ education has strong effects on children. Thus the benefits of higher education accrue over extended periods.
•Higher parental education is associated with greater family investments in children in the form of parental time and expenditures on children.
•Children of more educated parents generally perform better in school and in the labour market, and have better health. A substantial amount of research concludes that education has a causal impact on health.
•Higher parental education is also associated with lower criminal propensities in children, and less child abuse and neglect.  Lochner and Moretti(2004) calculate that raising the high school graduation rate by 1% will reduce the costs of crime by approximately $1.4 billion dollars per year in the U.S.

These estimates suggest that the social return to education is similar to the private returns associated with higher lifetime earnings,which are also in the range of 7-10 percent.  Evidence suggests that the social returns to education are substantial and justify significant public subsidization of this activity.  It seems like we’d be saving money in areas like health care and the justice system, in other words:  sounds like a good argument against the ‘selfish’ moniker to me.




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Student Protests in Québec: Signs of Youth Empowerment?

I’ll get back to my series of posts about our grandparents’ methods of education soon.  But  in the meantime, the student protests in Québec, and the reaction in the English Canadian media to them, have my attention.  I have rarely seen such virulent, ignorant, and prejudiced attitudes towards youth as in recent days.  The total inability of the English media to understand, or their unwillingness to understand, the situation in Québec is astonishing, and plays into several established memes of prejudice that I find unconscionable.  With your permission, I’d like to react to some of the recent events. I’ll start with the background, in case you’re reading this from outside of Canada.  In the past few months, hundreds of thousands of students in the province of Québec have taken to the streets in protest against Premier Jean Charest’s government’s proposal to hike tuition costs by 75% over five years.  Exacerbating the issue, the government (claiming that civil unrest warranted extraordinary powers for itself) passed a law on May 18th that limited fundamental rights of gathering, protest, and association for the students.  The English Canadian media has portrayed all this in such a way as to encourage those outside of the province to regard the protests as childish, selfish, violent, and unreasonable, and the government’s fascist response as entirely warranted.  I do not find that the issues have been adequately presented, and I am only saddened, not surprised, at the angry and bitter reaction from English Canada, who cite the comparatively lower costs of tuition in Québec as an argument for the students’ irrational and selfish mindset.   Let me try to explain.

Québec’s checkered history in education

Québec, for those of you who are not from here, has a long history of oppression in Canada.  After the defeat of Montcalm’s forces at the battle of the Plains of Abraham near Québec City in 1759, at the end of the Seven Years’ War, the survival of French Canadian culture under British rule has been a difficult question.   British Imperialism was at its height, and historically speaking, their treatment of conquered minorities in the colonies was harsh, with powerful incentives and policies of cultural and linguistic assimilation being the norm worldwide.  Colonial education has a very complex and mostly negative effect on these minority groups. The pattern of education in Québec matches that of other postcolonial nations. In such places, education is often used as a weapon of assimilation. At the same time, it is made difficult for the members of the minority to benefit from the process. In Kenya, for example, the colonial English school system, set up to ‘civilize’ the Africans, produced only a paltry number of university graduates, well into our own times. The crisis here at home in Aboriginal education is well documented, including but not limited to the Residential Schools.

During the period of decolonization, attempts at reform to colonial education were made throughout the former British Empire.  In Québec, the period of the 1960s brought enormous social change in the form of the Quiet Revolution.   The formerly Catholic-church-regulated elite education was challenged, and a more egalitarian model was put forward.  Before the Revolution, nearly half of all Québec youth were dropping out of school by age 15.  Education levels lagged far behind the rest of privileged, English Canada.

This historical and cultural context is almost entirely ignored in the Canadian press.  Former  Parti Québécois premier Jacques Parizeau recently pointed out the connection, but this was largely unmentioned outside of Québec itself, probably because most of English Canada does not understand or remember the significance of the Quiet Revolution.  Instead, the situation is filtered almost entirely through the cultural lens of the English majority outside of la belle province.  Students, through this lens, are seen as entitled, spoiled brats who do not understand the value of a dollar, and whose irrational protests are merely an excuse to riot and party in the streets.  After all, since the hard-won changes of the Quiet Revolution, tuition fees in the province have been historically lower than in the rest of Canada, where we have let tuition rates creep up over the years, on the idea that education is a commodity, a privilege, something to be bought, not a fundamental right such as we perceive health care to be, funded by taxes, meaning a public investment.

That attitude is not something a minority group can afford. What is the best indicator of whether a child will attend university? Whether his parents went before him. But that ball has to start rolling somewhere. High tuition fees, and the crippling debt that comes with university education, are deterrents to anyone but the privileged, and those who are not faced with an uphill battle in society to begin with. So, during the Quiet Revolution, it was decided that education would be seen as something fundamentally necessary for the advancement of Quebec society — not, as elsewhere, as a “nice to have”, but a right.   The corporatization of education is not something that I fundamentally agree with even in Ontario, where I work; resistance to that mindset is both refreshing and hope-inducing.

My real point here is that the socio-historical situation in Québec is fundamentally different than in the rest of the country.  You will not be able to understand the reasons behind the protests, or their massive popularity, if you attempt to view them from your own cultural background.  Unfortunately, from what I’ve seen, the English media, and those who read it, are making little or no attempt to understand, but only to denigrate, belittle, and condemn.  This makes me sad.

In my next post, I’d like to address some of the misunderstandings that stem from using the English cultural lens to try to understand  the protests.

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